The South African Development Community won’t intervene to secure the return of Madagascar’s exiled former president, Marc Ravalomanana, to the Indian Ocean island nation, said the regional body’s envoy, Leonardo Simao.
“SADC does not have the authority to annul a sentence imposed on a citizen,” Simao told reporters yesterday in Antananarivo, the Madagascan capital. “SADC respects the sovereignty and the responsibilities of member states.”
Heads-of-state from SADC, a grouping of 15 countries including South Africa, called for Madagascar to allow Ravalomanana’s “unconditional” return as part of efforts to end a political crisis sparked by him being ousted by Andry Rajoelina with the help of the military in 2009. Rajoelina’s government warned that Ravalomanana will be arrested if he returns after being found guilty of the deaths of protesters.
The refusal to agree to the June 12 SADC resolution after two years of negotiation may extend the country’s international isolation and discredit elections expected within a year. The 2009 coup led to Madagascar’s suspension from SADC and the African Union and led to donors stopping aid that made up two- thirds of state revenue.
Ravalomanana said he won’t sign an SADC mediation deal unless he is allowed to return to the country without being arrested. “The SADC heads of state were clear that my return is unconditional,” he said by phone from Johannesburg today.
Madagascar will hold “at least one election” this year, Prime Minister Camille Vital told reporters in Antananarivo. The country is expected to hold both parliamentary and presidential votes.
Madagascar is the world’s largest vanilla grower, while oil, nickel and titanium products have also attracted investor interest.
To contact the reporter on this story: Hannah McNeish in Johannesburg at hmcneish@bloomberg.net
To contact the editor responsible for this story: Antony Sguazzin at asguazzin@bloomberg.net
By Hannah McNeish - Jun 28, 2011 10:09 AM ET .
SADC Won’t Intervene to Return Exiled President Ravalomanana to Madagascar - Bloomberg
Wednesday, June 29, 2011
Friday, June 24, 2011
SADC Can Afford to Play a Waiting Game
SADC has little to gain by reacting strongly to Malagasy President Andry Rajoelina’s defiant rejection of its insistence that he allow his exiled opponents back home.
It can afford to wait patiently while pressure mounts on Rajoelina from elsewhere, satisfied that he will have to make the first move – as he did after ousting President Marc Ravalomanana with military backing in 2009.
For more than a year, he effectively ignored SADC. But the UN and the EU had followed the African Union (AU) and SADC in refusing to recognise his government, thus depriving him of much of the donor aid that provided more than half his predecessor’s national budget.
With his membership of the UN suspended, the World Bank no longer does business with Madagascar, cutting Rajoelina off from any meaningful line of international credit. He recognised that SADC, rather than the Francophone community, offered a route back into global society and in late 2010 began seriously engaging the SADC appointed facilitator, former Mozambican President Joachim Chissano.
With Chissano he has coupled an obvious talent for brinkmanship with an appreciation that SADC believes it has little direct leverage over him: Madagascar lives in relative isolation from the mainland, and its economy – unlike Zimbabwe’s – does little business with SADC.
It has been clear for some months that Chissano has been unable to manoeuvre his way around SADC’s central difference with Rajoelina: SADC wants free and fair elections; Rajoelina and his security chiefs want elections quickly and without the inconvenience of the political formations supporting his three immediate – elected – predecessors, Mouvance Ravalomanana, Mouvance (Didier) Ratsiraka and Mouvance (Albert) Zafy.
On 12 June SADC cut through the diplomatic niceties and insisted that “Malagasy people in exile for political reasons … be allowed to return to the country unconditionally including Mr Marc Ravalomanana”. Ravalomanana was singled out because, a week earlier at a pre-summit positioning meeting in Botswana, he made it clear that SADC would be on shaky legal ground endorsing an election in which an unelected incumbent had effectively selected his opponents. When Rajoelina objected at the 11-12 June 2011 Sandton summit that Ravalomanana had been convicted in abstentia of treason, the assembled presidents bluntly told him to arrange an amnesty or a pardon.
Rajoelina flew home, “met with his allies”, and had his security chiefs announce they would arrest Ravalomanana should he return.
In doing this he has over-estimated both SADC’s willingness to compromise further – diplomats in Pretoria acknowledge chronic “Madagascar-fatigue” – and the Francophone community’s willingness to publicly champion his cause.
While Paris continues to provide some aid and French diplomats have advised Rajoelina on limiting the effects of isolation (see SAR Vol 29 No 14), France’s recent African exploits in the Ivory Coast and Libya have left it sensitive to the idea of openly endorsing defiance of a formally constituted regional authority. Within hours of the public refusal to allow Ravalomanana back, Euro-MPs were advocating the imposition of mandatory EU and UN Security Council sanctions on Madagascar. In the polarised Security Council climate following Nato’s abuse of the Libyan no-fly zone resolution this would require strong AU endorsement to carry, but even the possibility would hurt. This is also true of solo EU action.
For its part, SADC can afford to wait Rajoelina out: Chissano and chief negotiator Leonardo Simao have been asked by pro-Rajoelina minority parties for further discussions in Antananarivo and can be expected there soon. But their principals have spoken, so the pair can no longer compromise in the face of Rajoelina’s brinkmanship. With Europe preparing to turn up the heat on Rajoelina, SADC will be content to wait until Rajoelina is ready to concede.
On Madagascar meanwhile, the security forces’ support for Rajoelina has never been unconditional. The generals do not want Ravalomanana back, but Rajoelina has offered them little since taking power other than tight budgets and international isolation. At some stage they will begin considering an alternative.
allAfrica.com: Madagascar: SADC Can Afford to Play a Waiting Game
It can afford to wait patiently while pressure mounts on Rajoelina from elsewhere, satisfied that he will have to make the first move – as he did after ousting President Marc Ravalomanana with military backing in 2009.
For more than a year, he effectively ignored SADC. But the UN and the EU had followed the African Union (AU) and SADC in refusing to recognise his government, thus depriving him of much of the donor aid that provided more than half his predecessor’s national budget.
With his membership of the UN suspended, the World Bank no longer does business with Madagascar, cutting Rajoelina off from any meaningful line of international credit. He recognised that SADC, rather than the Francophone community, offered a route back into global society and in late 2010 began seriously engaging the SADC appointed facilitator, former Mozambican President Joachim Chissano.
With Chissano he has coupled an obvious talent for brinkmanship with an appreciation that SADC believes it has little direct leverage over him: Madagascar lives in relative isolation from the mainland, and its economy – unlike Zimbabwe’s – does little business with SADC.
It has been clear for some months that Chissano has been unable to manoeuvre his way around SADC’s central difference with Rajoelina: SADC wants free and fair elections; Rajoelina and his security chiefs want elections quickly and without the inconvenience of the political formations supporting his three immediate – elected – predecessors, Mouvance Ravalomanana, Mouvance (Didier) Ratsiraka and Mouvance (Albert) Zafy.
On 12 June SADC cut through the diplomatic niceties and insisted that “Malagasy people in exile for political reasons … be allowed to return to the country unconditionally including Mr Marc Ravalomanana”. Ravalomanana was singled out because, a week earlier at a pre-summit positioning meeting in Botswana, he made it clear that SADC would be on shaky legal ground endorsing an election in which an unelected incumbent had effectively selected his opponents. When Rajoelina objected at the 11-12 June 2011 Sandton summit that Ravalomanana had been convicted in abstentia of treason, the assembled presidents bluntly told him to arrange an amnesty or a pardon.
Rajoelina flew home, “met with his allies”, and had his security chiefs announce they would arrest Ravalomanana should he return.
In doing this he has over-estimated both SADC’s willingness to compromise further – diplomats in Pretoria acknowledge chronic “Madagascar-fatigue” – and the Francophone community’s willingness to publicly champion his cause.
While Paris continues to provide some aid and French diplomats have advised Rajoelina on limiting the effects of isolation (see SAR Vol 29 No 14), France’s recent African exploits in the Ivory Coast and Libya have left it sensitive to the idea of openly endorsing defiance of a formally constituted regional authority. Within hours of the public refusal to allow Ravalomanana back, Euro-MPs were advocating the imposition of mandatory EU and UN Security Council sanctions on Madagascar. In the polarised Security Council climate following Nato’s abuse of the Libyan no-fly zone resolution this would require strong AU endorsement to carry, but even the possibility would hurt. This is also true of solo EU action.
For its part, SADC can afford to wait Rajoelina out: Chissano and chief negotiator Leonardo Simao have been asked by pro-Rajoelina minority parties for further discussions in Antananarivo and can be expected there soon. But their principals have spoken, so the pair can no longer compromise in the face of Rajoelina’s brinkmanship. With Europe preparing to turn up the heat on Rajoelina, SADC will be content to wait until Rajoelina is ready to concede.
On Madagascar meanwhile, the security forces’ support for Rajoelina has never been unconditional. The generals do not want Ravalomanana back, but Rajoelina has offered them little since taking power other than tight budgets and international isolation. At some stage they will begin considering an alternative.
allAfrica.com: Madagascar: SADC Can Afford to Play a Waiting Game
Tuesday, June 14, 2011
Madagascar puts conditions on Ravalomanana return | News by Country | Reuters
* Rajoelina says stability to be restored before foe returns
* Military will take all actions needed to block ex-leader
By Alain Iloniaina
ANTANANARIVO, June 14 (Reuters) - Madagascar's exiled former President Marc Ravalomanana will not be allowed to return home until the country is stable and he can be held accountable for acts committed during his rule, its president said on Tuesday.
President Andry Rajoelina, who overthrew Ravalomanana with the help of rebel troops in March 2009, said Ravalomanana would be held to account for crimes committed during his final weeks in power when he returned to the Indian Ocean island.
"For Ravalomanana, the road map is clear: he can return when the (political) situation is stable and when there is no good reason to prevent him from doing so," Rajoelina said in a statement.
"But it goes without saying he can't just return. He must stand accountable for his acts. There is no amnesty for blood crimes."
Southern African leaders called on Monday for Ravalomanana to be allowed to return to Madagascar ahead of elections there, for which no date has yet been set.
Rajoelina has accused Ravalomanana of ordering his presidential guard to shoot dead about 30 protestors in February, 2009, when popular demonstrations against his increasingly autocratic leadership peaked.
Rajoelina's power grab plunged Madagascar, the world's leading vanilla producer, into a political crisis that has dragged on for more than two years, stunting economic growth.
Africa's youngest leader said he would not back any amendment to a March road map aimed at ending the crisis, which was approved by the Southern African Development Community but snubbed by Madagascar's main opposition parties.
Ravalomanana is in exile in South Africa and was restricted from returning home in February. He said Rajoelina's government blocked his return.
"Given the renewed stability in the country since the beginning of 2011, the security forces categorically will not accept an immediate return by the former president in order to safeguard public security," said army chief General Andre Ndriarijaona.
"They (security forces) affirm their readiness to take all necessary action to uphold this declaration," said Ndriarijaona, who was among the most senior dissidents who backed Rajoelina's power grab. (Editing by Richard Lough)
Madagascar puts conditions on Ravalomanana return | News by Country | Reuters
* Military will take all actions needed to block ex-leader
By Alain Iloniaina
ANTANANARIVO, June 14 (Reuters) - Madagascar's exiled former President Marc Ravalomanana will not be allowed to return home until the country is stable and he can be held accountable for acts committed during his rule, its president said on Tuesday.
President Andry Rajoelina, who overthrew Ravalomanana with the help of rebel troops in March 2009, said Ravalomanana would be held to account for crimes committed during his final weeks in power when he returned to the Indian Ocean island.
"For Ravalomanana, the road map is clear: he can return when the (political) situation is stable and when there is no good reason to prevent him from doing so," Rajoelina said in a statement.
"But it goes without saying he can't just return. He must stand accountable for his acts. There is no amnesty for blood crimes."
Southern African leaders called on Monday for Ravalomanana to be allowed to return to Madagascar ahead of elections there, for which no date has yet been set.
Rajoelina has accused Ravalomanana of ordering his presidential guard to shoot dead about 30 protestors in February, 2009, when popular demonstrations against his increasingly autocratic leadership peaked.
Rajoelina's power grab plunged Madagascar, the world's leading vanilla producer, into a political crisis that has dragged on for more than two years, stunting economic growth.
Africa's youngest leader said he would not back any amendment to a March road map aimed at ending the crisis, which was approved by the Southern African Development Community but snubbed by Madagascar's main opposition parties.
Ravalomanana is in exile in South Africa and was restricted from returning home in February. He said Rajoelina's government blocked his return.
"Given the renewed stability in the country since the beginning of 2011, the security forces categorically will not accept an immediate return by the former president in order to safeguard public security," said army chief General Andre Ndriarijaona.
"They (security forces) affirm their readiness to take all necessary action to uphold this declaration," said Ndriarijaona, who was among the most senior dissidents who backed Rajoelina's power grab. (Editing by Richard Lough)
Madagascar puts conditions on Ravalomanana return | News by Country | Reuters
Sunday, June 12, 2011
L'intgralité de la Résolution
Textes adoptés
Jeudi 9 juin 2011 – Strasbourg
Résolution du Parlement européen du 9 juin 2011 sur la situation à Madagascar
Le Parlement européen,
– vu les articles 8 et 9 de l’accord de Cotonou portant respectivement sur le dialogue politique et sur le respect des droits de l’homme,
– vu ses résolutions antérieures sur Madagascar, notamment celles du 7 mai 2009 (1) et du 11 février 2010 (2), ainsi que la mission d’enquête que l’Assemblée parlementaire paritaire ACP UE a effectuée à Madagascar les 10 et 11 juillet 2010,
– vu la déclaration du 19 novembre 2010 de Catherine Ashton, haute représentante de l’Union européenne,
– vu le communiqué publié le 30 mars 2009 au Swaziland et la décision de Livingstone du 31 mars 2011 qui, dans son paragraphe 6, indique en substance que la solution malgache doit être démocratique, consensuelle, globale et transparente,
– vu les accords de Maputo des 8 et 9 août 2009 et l’acte additionnel d’Addis-Abeba du 6 novembre 2009, signés par les quatre chefs de file des mouvances politiques de Madagascar, accords ayant une valeur constitutionnelle comme en sont expressément convenues les parties prenantes et comme l’a reconnu la communauté internationale,
– vu la suspension de Madagascar de la Communauté de développement de l’Afrique Australe (CDAA) et de l’Union Africaine;
– vu les sanctions décidées par l’Union africaine le 17 mars 2010 et confirmées le 31 janvier 2011 à l’encontre de M. Rajoelina et de plus de cent de ses fidèles,
– vu la récente feuille de route proposée par l’équipe de médiation de la CDAA,
– vu le sommet extraordinaire de la CDAA qui s’est tenu à Madagascar le 20 mai 2011,
– vu l’article 122, paragraphe 5, de son règlement,
A. considérant l’instabilité politique persistante qui règne depuis le coup d’État et qui a plongé Madagascar dans une situation précaire tant sur le plan socio-économique et humanitaire que sur le plan des droits de l’homme,
B. considérant que les engagements souscrits à Maputo et à Addis-Abeba sur le partage du pouvoir avec les autres mouvements politiques de Madagascar prévoient également une charte des valeurs basée sur le respect de principes fondamentaux et sur la promotion, durant la période transitoire, de la non violence, de la réconciliation et du respect mutuel,
C. considérant que l’actuel régime méconnaît les droits constitutionnels, démocratiques et fondamentaux ancrés dans l’accord de Cotonou ainsi que dans les accords internationaux,
D. considérant qu’il convient d’ouvrir une enquête indépendante et transparente sur les morts et le recours abusif à la force lors des manifestations de 2009,
E. considérant que le régime illégal en place monopolise les pouvoirs exécutif, législatif, judiciaire ainsi que les médias,
F. considérant que le processus actuel de négociation engagé au titre de la médiation internationale doit se poursuivre et se vouloir global,
G. considérant que l’autorité de fait a, le 17 novembre 2010, organisé un référendum constitutionnel inique qui a conduit à l’adoption d’une soi-disant nouvelle constitution, alors qu’il a purement et simplement été boycotté par l’opposition et globalement ignoré par la communauté internationale,
H. considérant que, le lundi 6 juillet 2009, l’Union européenne a entamé un processus de consultation avec Madagascar en application de l’article 96 de l’accord de Cotonou, ouvrant ainsi un dialogue visant à trouver des solutions appropriées aux problèmes politiques du pays,
I. considérant que l’Union européenne a, le 7 juin 2010, décidé de mettre un terme à ses consultation avec la République de Madagascar et adopté des mesures appropriées au titre de l’article 96 de l’accord de Cotonou, en l’espèce la suspension de l’aide,
J. considérant que le coup manifeste ainsi porté à la démocratie a également entraîné une suspension de l’aide du FMI et de la Banque mondiale, la suspension de l’éligibilité au titre de l’ »African Growth and Opportunity Act » américain et la mise en œuvre de sanctions ciblées par l’Union africaine,
K. considérant que les coprésidents de l’Assemblée parlementaire paritaire ACP-UE ont, le 17 mai 2011, appelé à la mise en place d’un gouvernement neutre, consensuel et pluraliste de transition à qui il devrait être confiée la mission de lancer un processus électoral transparent et indépendant devant déboucher sur des élections démocratiques surveillées par la communauté internationale, élections constituant la première étape vers le retour durable à un régime constitutionnel,
L. considérant que la population gagne moins de 1 USD par jour et que le revenu disponible des ménages ne permet que difficilement à ces derniers d’accéder aux denrées alimentaires de base, à l’eau, aux services d’hygiène, à la santé et à l’éducation; que la situation s’est considérablement détériorée depuis le début de la crise politique en raison de la sécheresse et des multiples catastrophes naturelles qui se sont abattues sur le pays ces deux dernières années,
1. réitère sa condamnation énergique du processus de la prise de pouvoir par M. Rajoelina qui maintient à Madagascar un régime illégal et illégitime, et demeure préoccupé par la situation actuelle dans le pays;
2. condamne les multiples violations des droits de l’homme et exactions commises par les forces de sécurité malgaches contre leur concitoyens et demande la dissolution de l’ensemble des milices politiques, le respect plein et entier des droits civils, politiques, sociaux et économiques de tous les citoyens ainsi que le rétablissement de l’État de droit à Madagascar; exige la libération immédiate de tous les prisonniers politiques; demande le retour des personnes en exil et des dirigeants politiques dans des conditions de sécurité;
3. demande une enquête indépendante sur ces actes dans l’optique de traduire en justice les personnes s’étant rendues coupables de violation des droits de l’homme;
4. fait part de sa vive inquiétude face au pillage illégal qui perdure et à l’exportation de bois précieux, de minéraux et d’animaux sauvages venant de parcs nationaux ou de zones protégées, ainsi que face aux menaces croissantes qui pèsent sur la gestion locale de la biodiversité en raison de la déliquescence sociale, et apporte son soutien aux défenseurs de la nature et à la société civile dans les efforts permanents qu’ils déploient pour éviter de verser dans l’anarchie et pour prévenir une catastrophe environnementale;
5. déplore l’échec des négociations de Gaborone et demande une stratégie pour sortir de manière satisfaisante de l’impasse actuelle et mettre en place un gouvernement neutre, consensuel et pluraliste de transition; prend acte des observations et des recommandations formulées dans le rapport sur le sommet extraordinaire de la CDAA; invite instamment le prochain sommet de la CDAA, qui aura lieu le 11 juin, à mettre un terme définitif à l’impasse politique et à se mettre au service des intérêts de la population malgache; invite instamment l’ensemble des parties concernées par les termes des accords signés à respecter leurs engagements;
6. souligne le besoin urgent de revenir à un régime constitutionnel, condition préalable à un retour à la normalité institutionnelle à Madagascar, et appelle de ses vœux une évolution rapide vers des élections libres, ouvertes et transparentes, conformes aux normes démocratiques et surveillées par la communauté internationale;
7. fait observer que la crédibilité, et notamment la légalité, du processus électoral suppose que l’ensemble des mouvements et dirigeants politiques puisse y participer librement et sans conditions, ainsi qu’avoir un véritable accès aux médias;
8. refuse que les autorités qui ont pris le pouvoir en bafouant la constitution soient habilitées à organiser ces élections;
9. rappelle que M. Rajoelina a annoncé ne pas vouloir se présenter aux prochaines élections présidentielles;
10. met en exergue la nécessité et la capacité du peuple malgache à décider de son avenir et à disposer de lui-même sans qu’aucune condition ne soit posée;
11. fait observer que l’Union africaine a confirmé, à l’occasion de son sommet du 31 janvier 2011, les sanctions individuelles et ciblées prises lors du sommet du 17 mars 2010 à l’encontre de M. Rajoelina et de plus d’une centaine de personnes soutenant la Haute autorité de transition;
12. invite l’Union européenne et le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies à poursuivre et élargir les sanctions contre le régime jusqu’à la résolution de la crise politique sur la base des observations qui précèdent et notamment d’étendre à l’ensemble de ses pays membres l’interdiction de visa édictée par l’Union africaine;
13. souligne que le gouvernement de M. Rajoelina n’est reconnu ni par l’Union européenne ni pas les pays membres du groupe international de contact sur Madagascar;
14. soutient les efforts actuels de la Communauté de développement de l’Afrique australe et demande à l’Union africaine, à la CDAA et au groupe international de contact de mener le processus de transition à bonne fin;
15. adhère sans réserve aux mesures appropriées prises le 7 juin 2010 au titre de l’article 96 de l’accord de Cotonou à l’issue de la conclusion de la procédure de consultation;
16. invite instamment la communauté internationale et l’Union européenne à accroître leur aide humanitaire en faveur du peuple malgache; rappelle que le rétablissement progressif des programmes de coopération avec Madagascar est conditionné par le respect intégral de l’ensemble des principes démocratiques et des libertés fondamentales;
17. charge son Président de transmettre la présente résolution à la vice-présidente/haute représentante de l’Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité, à la Commission, au Conseil de l’Union européenne, au Conseil ACP-UE, au Secrétaire général des Nations unies, à la Communauté de développement de l’Afrique australe, au Président Joaquim Chishano et à la Commission de l’Union africaine.
Union Européenne : un coup de tonnerre avant Sandton. : TANANEWS
Jeudi 9 juin 2011 – Strasbourg
Résolution du Parlement européen du 9 juin 2011 sur la situation à Madagascar
Le Parlement européen,
– vu les articles 8 et 9 de l’accord de Cotonou portant respectivement sur le dialogue politique et sur le respect des droits de l’homme,
– vu ses résolutions antérieures sur Madagascar, notamment celles du 7 mai 2009 (1) et du 11 février 2010 (2), ainsi que la mission d’enquête que l’Assemblée parlementaire paritaire ACP UE a effectuée à Madagascar les 10 et 11 juillet 2010,
– vu la déclaration du 19 novembre 2010 de Catherine Ashton, haute représentante de l’Union européenne,
– vu le communiqué publié le 30 mars 2009 au Swaziland et la décision de Livingstone du 31 mars 2011 qui, dans son paragraphe 6, indique en substance que la solution malgache doit être démocratique, consensuelle, globale et transparente,
– vu les accords de Maputo des 8 et 9 août 2009 et l’acte additionnel d’Addis-Abeba du 6 novembre 2009, signés par les quatre chefs de file des mouvances politiques de Madagascar, accords ayant une valeur constitutionnelle comme en sont expressément convenues les parties prenantes et comme l’a reconnu la communauté internationale,
– vu la suspension de Madagascar de la Communauté de développement de l’Afrique Australe (CDAA) et de l’Union Africaine;
– vu les sanctions décidées par l’Union africaine le 17 mars 2010 et confirmées le 31 janvier 2011 à l’encontre de M. Rajoelina et de plus de cent de ses fidèles,
– vu la récente feuille de route proposée par l’équipe de médiation de la CDAA,
– vu le sommet extraordinaire de la CDAA qui s’est tenu à Madagascar le 20 mai 2011,
– vu l’article 122, paragraphe 5, de son règlement,
A. considérant l’instabilité politique persistante qui règne depuis le coup d’État et qui a plongé Madagascar dans une situation précaire tant sur le plan socio-économique et humanitaire que sur le plan des droits de l’homme,
B. considérant que les engagements souscrits à Maputo et à Addis-Abeba sur le partage du pouvoir avec les autres mouvements politiques de Madagascar prévoient également une charte des valeurs basée sur le respect de principes fondamentaux et sur la promotion, durant la période transitoire, de la non violence, de la réconciliation et du respect mutuel,
C. considérant que l’actuel régime méconnaît les droits constitutionnels, démocratiques et fondamentaux ancrés dans l’accord de Cotonou ainsi que dans les accords internationaux,
D. considérant qu’il convient d’ouvrir une enquête indépendante et transparente sur les morts et le recours abusif à la force lors des manifestations de 2009,
E. considérant que le régime illégal en place monopolise les pouvoirs exécutif, législatif, judiciaire ainsi que les médias,
F. considérant que le processus actuel de négociation engagé au titre de la médiation internationale doit se poursuivre et se vouloir global,
G. considérant que l’autorité de fait a, le 17 novembre 2010, organisé un référendum constitutionnel inique qui a conduit à l’adoption d’une soi-disant nouvelle constitution, alors qu’il a purement et simplement été boycotté par l’opposition et globalement ignoré par la communauté internationale,
H. considérant que, le lundi 6 juillet 2009, l’Union européenne a entamé un processus de consultation avec Madagascar en application de l’article 96 de l’accord de Cotonou, ouvrant ainsi un dialogue visant à trouver des solutions appropriées aux problèmes politiques du pays,
I. considérant que l’Union européenne a, le 7 juin 2010, décidé de mettre un terme à ses consultation avec la République de Madagascar et adopté des mesures appropriées au titre de l’article 96 de l’accord de Cotonou, en l’espèce la suspension de l’aide,
J. considérant que le coup manifeste ainsi porté à la démocratie a également entraîné une suspension de l’aide du FMI et de la Banque mondiale, la suspension de l’éligibilité au titre de l’ »African Growth and Opportunity Act » américain et la mise en œuvre de sanctions ciblées par l’Union africaine,
K. considérant que les coprésidents de l’Assemblée parlementaire paritaire ACP-UE ont, le 17 mai 2011, appelé à la mise en place d’un gouvernement neutre, consensuel et pluraliste de transition à qui il devrait être confiée la mission de lancer un processus électoral transparent et indépendant devant déboucher sur des élections démocratiques surveillées par la communauté internationale, élections constituant la première étape vers le retour durable à un régime constitutionnel,
L. considérant que la population gagne moins de 1 USD par jour et que le revenu disponible des ménages ne permet que difficilement à ces derniers d’accéder aux denrées alimentaires de base, à l’eau, aux services d’hygiène, à la santé et à l’éducation; que la situation s’est considérablement détériorée depuis le début de la crise politique en raison de la sécheresse et des multiples catastrophes naturelles qui se sont abattues sur le pays ces deux dernières années,
1. réitère sa condamnation énergique du processus de la prise de pouvoir par M. Rajoelina qui maintient à Madagascar un régime illégal et illégitime, et demeure préoccupé par la situation actuelle dans le pays;
2. condamne les multiples violations des droits de l’homme et exactions commises par les forces de sécurité malgaches contre leur concitoyens et demande la dissolution de l’ensemble des milices politiques, le respect plein et entier des droits civils, politiques, sociaux et économiques de tous les citoyens ainsi que le rétablissement de l’État de droit à Madagascar; exige la libération immédiate de tous les prisonniers politiques; demande le retour des personnes en exil et des dirigeants politiques dans des conditions de sécurité;
3. demande une enquête indépendante sur ces actes dans l’optique de traduire en justice les personnes s’étant rendues coupables de violation des droits de l’homme;
4. fait part de sa vive inquiétude face au pillage illégal qui perdure et à l’exportation de bois précieux, de minéraux et d’animaux sauvages venant de parcs nationaux ou de zones protégées, ainsi que face aux menaces croissantes qui pèsent sur la gestion locale de la biodiversité en raison de la déliquescence sociale, et apporte son soutien aux défenseurs de la nature et à la société civile dans les efforts permanents qu’ils déploient pour éviter de verser dans l’anarchie et pour prévenir une catastrophe environnementale;
5. déplore l’échec des négociations de Gaborone et demande une stratégie pour sortir de manière satisfaisante de l’impasse actuelle et mettre en place un gouvernement neutre, consensuel et pluraliste de transition; prend acte des observations et des recommandations formulées dans le rapport sur le sommet extraordinaire de la CDAA; invite instamment le prochain sommet de la CDAA, qui aura lieu le 11 juin, à mettre un terme définitif à l’impasse politique et à se mettre au service des intérêts de la population malgache; invite instamment l’ensemble des parties concernées par les termes des accords signés à respecter leurs engagements;
6. souligne le besoin urgent de revenir à un régime constitutionnel, condition préalable à un retour à la normalité institutionnelle à Madagascar, et appelle de ses vœux une évolution rapide vers des élections libres, ouvertes et transparentes, conformes aux normes démocratiques et surveillées par la communauté internationale;
7. fait observer que la crédibilité, et notamment la légalité, du processus électoral suppose que l’ensemble des mouvements et dirigeants politiques puisse y participer librement et sans conditions, ainsi qu’avoir un véritable accès aux médias;
8. refuse que les autorités qui ont pris le pouvoir en bafouant la constitution soient habilitées à organiser ces élections;
9. rappelle que M. Rajoelina a annoncé ne pas vouloir se présenter aux prochaines élections présidentielles;
10. met en exergue la nécessité et la capacité du peuple malgache à décider de son avenir et à disposer de lui-même sans qu’aucune condition ne soit posée;
11. fait observer que l’Union africaine a confirmé, à l’occasion de son sommet du 31 janvier 2011, les sanctions individuelles et ciblées prises lors du sommet du 17 mars 2010 à l’encontre de M. Rajoelina et de plus d’une centaine de personnes soutenant la Haute autorité de transition;
12. invite l’Union européenne et le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies à poursuivre et élargir les sanctions contre le régime jusqu’à la résolution de la crise politique sur la base des observations qui précèdent et notamment d’étendre à l’ensemble de ses pays membres l’interdiction de visa édictée par l’Union africaine;
13. souligne que le gouvernement de M. Rajoelina n’est reconnu ni par l’Union européenne ni pas les pays membres du groupe international de contact sur Madagascar;
14. soutient les efforts actuels de la Communauté de développement de l’Afrique australe et demande à l’Union africaine, à la CDAA et au groupe international de contact de mener le processus de transition à bonne fin;
15. adhère sans réserve aux mesures appropriées prises le 7 juin 2010 au titre de l’article 96 de l’accord de Cotonou à l’issue de la conclusion de la procédure de consultation;
16. invite instamment la communauté internationale et l’Union européenne à accroître leur aide humanitaire en faveur du peuple malgache; rappelle que le rétablissement progressif des programmes de coopération avec Madagascar est conditionné par le respect intégral de l’ensemble des principes démocratiques et des libertés fondamentales;
17. charge son Président de transmettre la présente résolution à la vice-présidente/haute représentante de l’Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité, à la Commission, au Conseil de l’Union européenne, au Conseil ACP-UE, au Secrétaire général des Nations unies, à la Communauté de développement de l’Afrique australe, au Président Joaquim Chishano et à la Commission de l’Union africaine.
Union Européenne : un coup de tonnerre avant Sandton. : TANANEWS
Sandton : Feuille de route amendée et Marc Ravalomanana peut rentrer à Madagascar : TANANEWS
EXTRAORDINARY SUMMIT OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY SANDTON, REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA 11 and 12 JUNE, 2011
1. The Extraordinary Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) was held at Sandton, Republic of South Africa on 11 and 12 June 2011.
2. The Summit was officially opened by His Excellency Hifikepunye Pohamba, Président of the Republic of Namibia and SADC Chairperson.
3. The Summit was attended by the following Heads of State and Government or their représentatives:
Lesotho
Rt. Hon. Pakalitha Mosisili;
Malawi
H.E. Ngwazi Prof. Bingu Wa Mutharika;
Mozambique
H.E. Armando Emilio Guebuza ;
Namibia
H.E. Hifikepunye Pohamba;
South Africa
H.E. Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma;
Swaziland
H.M. King Mswati III;
Tanzania
H.E. Dr. Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete;
Zimbabwe
H.E. Robert Gabriel Mugabe;
Botswana
H.E. Lt. Gen. Mompati Merafhe, Vice Président;
Seychelles
H.E Dr Danny Faure, Vice Président.
Zambia
H.E. George Kunda, Vice Président and Minister of Justice;
Angola
Hon. Georges Rebelo Pinto Chikoti, Minister of External
Relations;
DRC
Hon. Raymond Tshibanda N’tungamulongo, Minister of
Régional and International Coopération;
Mauritius :
Hon. Dr. Arvin Boolell, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Régional
Intégration and International Trade.
4. The Summit was also attended by SADC Executive Secretary Dr. Tomaz A. Salomâo.
5. In attendance of the Summit was also H.E. Joaquim A. Chissano, former Président of the Republic of Mozambique, and SADC Mediator on Madagascar.
6. Also in attendance at the Summit was the Right Hon. Morgan Tsvangirai, Prime Minister of Zimbabwe and Hon. Prof. Welshman Ncube, representing MDC-T, MDC-N political parties respectively.
7. Summit considered reports on the prevailing political and security situation ‘in Madagascar and Zimbabwe.
8. On Madagascar, Summit noted the outcome of the meeting that took place on 6 and 7June, 2011 in Gaborone, Republic of Botswana, convened by the SADC Chairperson, H.E Hifikepunye Pohamba, Président of the Republic of Namibia and H.E. Rupiah Bwezani Banda, Président of the Republic of Zambia and Chairperson of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Coopération, and H.E Joaquim Chissano, former Président of the Republic of Mozambique and the SADC Mediator on the Madagascar crisis, as mandated by the Extraordinary Summit of SADC Heads of State and Government at its meeting held in Windhoek, Republic of Namibia, 20 May, 2011.
9. Summit also noted that the Gaborone meeting was attended by eleven (11) political stakeholders from Madagascar, namely: AREMA; ESCOPOL; Les Autres Sensibilités; HPM; MDM; Mouvance Ratsiraka; Mouvance Ravalomanana; Mouvance Zafy; TGV; UAMAD/MONIMA and UDR-C.
10. Summit commended the SADC Chairperson, the Chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Coopération for convening the meeting with the Malagasy stakeholders.
11. Summit also commended the people and Government of the Republic of Botswana for hosting the meeting.
12. Summit noted that the return of that country to constitutional normalcy is a matter of urgency.
13. Summit also noted that eight out of eleven Malagasy Political Stakeholders hâve already initialled the Roadmap that is intended to return the country to constitutional normalcy.
14. Summit endorsed the Roadmap to bring Madagascar into constitutional normalcy presented by the SADC Mediator on Madagascar after effecting necessary amendments.
15. Summit urged the leaders of the Mouvances Ratsiraka, Ravalomanana and Zafy to initial the Roadmap expeditiously as soon as the necessary amendments are effected.
16. Summit also urged the High Transition Authority (HTA) to allow Malagasy people in exile for political reasons, to be allowed to return to the country unconditionally including Mr. Marc Ravalomanana.
17. Summit further urged the HTA to urgently develop and enact ail outstanding Légal Instruments to ensure the political freedom of ail Malagasy in the inclusive process leading to free, fair, and crédible élections.
18. Summit commended the Malagasy Political Stakeholders for their commitment to dialogue and finding an inclusive solution and urged them to remain focused on the implementation of the agreed Roadmap in order to urgently fulfil the aspirations of the Malagasy people for peace, stability and socio-economic development.
19. Summit also commended H.E. Joachim Chissano, former Président of Mozambique for his tireless efforts in bringing together the Malagasy stakeholders in the search of lasting solution for the current crisis in Madagascar.
20. Summit urged the Organ Troika to remain actively seized of the political situation in Madagascar.
Sandton : Feuille de route amendée et Marc Ravalomanana peut rentrer à Madagascar : TANANEWS: "Sandton : Feuille de route amendée et Marc Ravalomanana peut rentrer à Madagascar"
1. The Extraordinary Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) was held at Sandton, Republic of South Africa on 11 and 12 June 2011.
2. The Summit was officially opened by His Excellency Hifikepunye Pohamba, Président of the Republic of Namibia and SADC Chairperson.
3. The Summit was attended by the following Heads of State and Government or their représentatives:
Lesotho
Rt. Hon. Pakalitha Mosisili;
Malawi
H.E. Ngwazi Prof. Bingu Wa Mutharika;
Mozambique
H.E. Armando Emilio Guebuza ;
Namibia
H.E. Hifikepunye Pohamba;
South Africa
H.E. Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma;
Swaziland
H.M. King Mswati III;
Tanzania
H.E. Dr. Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete;
Zimbabwe
H.E. Robert Gabriel Mugabe;
Botswana
H.E. Lt. Gen. Mompati Merafhe, Vice Président;
Seychelles
H.E Dr Danny Faure, Vice Président.
Zambia
H.E. George Kunda, Vice Président and Minister of Justice;
Angola
Hon. Georges Rebelo Pinto Chikoti, Minister of External
Relations;
DRC
Hon. Raymond Tshibanda N’tungamulongo, Minister of
Régional and International Coopération;
Mauritius :
Hon. Dr. Arvin Boolell, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Régional
Intégration and International Trade.
4. The Summit was also attended by SADC Executive Secretary Dr. Tomaz A. Salomâo.
5. In attendance of the Summit was also H.E. Joaquim A. Chissano, former Président of the Republic of Mozambique, and SADC Mediator on Madagascar.
6. Also in attendance at the Summit was the Right Hon. Morgan Tsvangirai, Prime Minister of Zimbabwe and Hon. Prof. Welshman Ncube, representing MDC-T, MDC-N political parties respectively.
7. Summit considered reports on the prevailing political and security situation ‘in Madagascar and Zimbabwe.
8. On Madagascar, Summit noted the outcome of the meeting that took place on 6 and 7June, 2011 in Gaborone, Republic of Botswana, convened by the SADC Chairperson, H.E Hifikepunye Pohamba, Président of the Republic of Namibia and H.E. Rupiah Bwezani Banda, Président of the Republic of Zambia and Chairperson of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Coopération, and H.E Joaquim Chissano, former Président of the Republic of Mozambique and the SADC Mediator on the Madagascar crisis, as mandated by the Extraordinary Summit of SADC Heads of State and Government at its meeting held in Windhoek, Republic of Namibia, 20 May, 2011.
9. Summit also noted that the Gaborone meeting was attended by eleven (11) political stakeholders from Madagascar, namely: AREMA; ESCOPOL; Les Autres Sensibilités; HPM; MDM; Mouvance Ratsiraka; Mouvance Ravalomanana; Mouvance Zafy; TGV; UAMAD/MONIMA and UDR-C.
10. Summit commended the SADC Chairperson, the Chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Coopération for convening the meeting with the Malagasy stakeholders.
11. Summit also commended the people and Government of the Republic of Botswana for hosting the meeting.
12. Summit noted that the return of that country to constitutional normalcy is a matter of urgency.
13. Summit also noted that eight out of eleven Malagasy Political Stakeholders hâve already initialled the Roadmap that is intended to return the country to constitutional normalcy.
14. Summit endorsed the Roadmap to bring Madagascar into constitutional normalcy presented by the SADC Mediator on Madagascar after effecting necessary amendments.
15. Summit urged the leaders of the Mouvances Ratsiraka, Ravalomanana and Zafy to initial the Roadmap expeditiously as soon as the necessary amendments are effected.
16. Summit also urged the High Transition Authority (HTA) to allow Malagasy people in exile for political reasons, to be allowed to return to the country unconditionally including Mr. Marc Ravalomanana.
17. Summit further urged the HTA to urgently develop and enact ail outstanding Légal Instruments to ensure the political freedom of ail Malagasy in the inclusive process leading to free, fair, and crédible élections.
18. Summit commended the Malagasy Political Stakeholders for their commitment to dialogue and finding an inclusive solution and urged them to remain focused on the implementation of the agreed Roadmap in order to urgently fulfil the aspirations of the Malagasy people for peace, stability and socio-economic development.
19. Summit also commended H.E. Joachim Chissano, former Président of Mozambique for his tireless efforts in bringing together the Malagasy stakeholders in the search of lasting solution for the current crisis in Madagascar.
20. Summit urged the Organ Troika to remain actively seized of the political situation in Madagascar.
Sandton : Feuille de route amendée et Marc Ravalomanana peut rentrer à Madagascar : TANANEWS: "Sandton : Feuille de route amendée et Marc Ravalomanana peut rentrer à Madagascar"
Tuesday, June 07, 2011
What happens when aid is withdrawn from a state in political turmoil? | Global development | guardian.co.uk
Talata and Hanintsoa live three hours' drive apart. Both survive by eating leaves. Talata delights in Madagascar's succulent vegetation because she is a three-year-old babakoto lemur. Hanintsoa Rakotoarimanga less so; she is a 37-year-old former textile worker living in a city slum.
That the world should be mindful to preserve Talata's habitat is entirely right. But amid a grinding political crisis that has prompted international donors to withdraw from the Indian Ocean island, the diet available to Rakotoarimanga and her four children has steadily deteriorated. To feed them, she does other people's washing on the litter-layered banks of a stagnant river in the capital Antananarivo. For want of money to pay fees, she has taken her eldest child out of school.
Since independence from France in 1960, Malagasy governance has been about keeping the army on side. The international community tolerated the trend until the most recent coup, in March 2009, when President Marc Ravalomanana lost out to Antananarivo's baby-faced mayor, Andry Rajoelina.
In the collective finger-wagging exercise that ensued, international donors pulled the plug on aid which, until then, had provided 70% of the Malagasy public services budget. Britain cancelled debt relief, as did others. British aid to Madagascar fell from £15m ($24.5m) in 2007 to £2.5m ($4.1m) in 2010. The only safe aid now is that earmarked for conservation and this month the World Bank board is expected to give the go-ahead for a £37m ($60.5m) cash injection to an ongoing national parks programme.
Rakotoarimanga was not aid-dependent. She worked as a machinist in a Gap factory. ''For five years I had a job paying 10,000 ariary a day (£3, or $5),'' she says. "It was OK. But suddenly all the factories closed.'' At the end of 2009, President Barack Obama announced that products from undemocratic Madagascar were to lose their exemption from 34% US import duties under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The closure of virtually all the textile factories around Antananarivo put 50,000 people out of work. An industry earning the country £400m ($654m) a year ceased to exist.
After twenty-six months of the Malagasy political crisis, amid an ongoing but as-yet fruitless mediation process by the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a tiny new elite has emerged. But 80% of the population is classed as living in poverty. A household survey last year by the United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) found that aid sanctions are biting the wrong people: school enrolment has plummeted and health indicators are in decline. As the 2015 deadline for the millennium development goals approaches, Madagascar is way off target: 60% of rural people don't have use of a toilet, 45% of the population does not have ready access to drinking water. Only 12% of the population light their homes with lightbulbs and the inhabitants of a quarter of households don't go to sleep in a bed.
Unicef country representative Bruno Maes said the international community must rethink its aid sanctions and stop punishing the poorest people of Madagascar for the sins of the political elite. ''In the health sector alone the government managed to disburse only two dollars per capita in 2009, against eight dollars in 2008. The trend is the same in education. The pressure on families has become unbearable,'' he said.
Yet it needn't be so. Maes is among aid experts who praise the system put in place by the Department for International Development (DfID) in Zimbabwe. "It is true that the Zimbabwean crisis is older, so there has been time to explore options. But why not adapt the Zimbabwean model to Madagascar?'' While President Robert Mugabe and his military regime are under European and American sanctions, Britain gives about £70m ($115m) per year to Zimbabwe, which funds the public health system. Donor channels have been kept open by bypassing the government system through a protracted relief programme, an education transition fund and a multi-donor trust fund (the Zim Fund) through which all aid passes. The system is open to criticism, not least from Zimbabwe's reform-minded prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, who would like some foreign money to bolster the Treasury. The system also needs ongoing review, to avoid becoming a substitute for internal welfare efforts.
But at least, unlike Madagascar, the donors have not abandoned Zimbabwe's poorest people in the name of punishing the excesses of power-hungry politicians.
Until donors find a similar solution for Madagascar, life will be better for the endangered lemurs munching on Madagascar's trees than for women bringing up children on the streets of Antananarivo. They will end up eating the lemurs.
Posted by
Alex Duval Smith in Antananarivo Tuesday 7 June 2011 07.00 BST
guardian.co.uk
Madagascar descended into poverty when aid donors pulled the plug, but the Zimbabwean model shows there is another way
What happens when aid is withdrawn from a state in political turmoil? | Global development | guardian.co.uk: "What happens when aid is withdrawn from a state in political turmoil?"
That the world should be mindful to preserve Talata's habitat is entirely right. But amid a grinding political crisis that has prompted international donors to withdraw from the Indian Ocean island, the diet available to Rakotoarimanga and her four children has steadily deteriorated. To feed them, she does other people's washing on the litter-layered banks of a stagnant river in the capital Antananarivo. For want of money to pay fees, she has taken her eldest child out of school.
Since independence from France in 1960, Malagasy governance has been about keeping the army on side. The international community tolerated the trend until the most recent coup, in March 2009, when President Marc Ravalomanana lost out to Antananarivo's baby-faced mayor, Andry Rajoelina.
In the collective finger-wagging exercise that ensued, international donors pulled the plug on aid which, until then, had provided 70% of the Malagasy public services budget. Britain cancelled debt relief, as did others. British aid to Madagascar fell from £15m ($24.5m) in 2007 to £2.5m ($4.1m) in 2010. The only safe aid now is that earmarked for conservation and this month the World Bank board is expected to give the go-ahead for a £37m ($60.5m) cash injection to an ongoing national parks programme.
Rakotoarimanga was not aid-dependent. She worked as a machinist in a Gap factory. ''For five years I had a job paying 10,000 ariary a day (£3, or $5),'' she says. "It was OK. But suddenly all the factories closed.'' At the end of 2009, President Barack Obama announced that products from undemocratic Madagascar were to lose their exemption from 34% US import duties under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The closure of virtually all the textile factories around Antananarivo put 50,000 people out of work. An industry earning the country £400m ($654m) a year ceased to exist.
After twenty-six months of the Malagasy political crisis, amid an ongoing but as-yet fruitless mediation process by the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a tiny new elite has emerged. But 80% of the population is classed as living in poverty. A household survey last year by the United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) found that aid sanctions are biting the wrong people: school enrolment has plummeted and health indicators are in decline. As the 2015 deadline for the millennium development goals approaches, Madagascar is way off target: 60% of rural people don't have use of a toilet, 45% of the population does not have ready access to drinking water. Only 12% of the population light their homes with lightbulbs and the inhabitants of a quarter of households don't go to sleep in a bed.
Unicef country representative Bruno Maes said the international community must rethink its aid sanctions and stop punishing the poorest people of Madagascar for the sins of the political elite. ''In the health sector alone the government managed to disburse only two dollars per capita in 2009, against eight dollars in 2008. The trend is the same in education. The pressure on families has become unbearable,'' he said.
Yet it needn't be so. Maes is among aid experts who praise the system put in place by the Department for International Development (DfID) in Zimbabwe. "It is true that the Zimbabwean crisis is older, so there has been time to explore options. But why not adapt the Zimbabwean model to Madagascar?'' While President Robert Mugabe and his military regime are under European and American sanctions, Britain gives about £70m ($115m) per year to Zimbabwe, which funds the public health system. Donor channels have been kept open by bypassing the government system through a protracted relief programme, an education transition fund and a multi-donor trust fund (the Zim Fund) through which all aid passes. The system is open to criticism, not least from Zimbabwe's reform-minded prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, who would like some foreign money to bolster the Treasury. The system also needs ongoing review, to avoid becoming a substitute for internal welfare efforts.
But at least, unlike Madagascar, the donors have not abandoned Zimbabwe's poorest people in the name of punishing the excesses of power-hungry politicians.
Until donors find a similar solution for Madagascar, life will be better for the endangered lemurs munching on Madagascar's trees than for women bringing up children on the streets of Antananarivo. They will end up eating the lemurs.
Posted by
Alex Duval Smith in Antananarivo Tuesday 7 June 2011 07.00 BST
guardian.co.uk
Madagascar descended into poverty when aid donors pulled the plug, but the Zimbabwean model shows there is another way
What happens when aid is withdrawn from a state in political turmoil? | Global development | guardian.co.uk: "What happens when aid is withdrawn from a state in political turmoil?"
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